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Transformation: State, Nation, and CitizenshipTransformation: l’État, la nation et la citoyenneté
Thursday, 13 October 2011 Jeudi, 13 octobre 2011
17:30-19:00 17 h 30 – 19 h 00
1. Round Table Table ronde The New Citizenship Guide. A Round Table Le nouveau guide sur la citoyenneté
Raymond B. Blake, University of Regina
Adam Chapnick, Deputy director of Education, Canadian Forces College
Xavier Gélinas, Curatorconservateur, Canadian Museum of CivilizationMusée canadien des civilisations
Ian McKay, Queen’s University
Patricia Wood, York University
In 2009, the Department of Citizenship and Immigration issued Discover Canada: The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship, a new Citizenship guide explaining Canada to immigrants. This guide has attracted much comment and criticism, particularly the sections on Canada's military history and values that govern society and relations between men and women. This session brings together individuals who participated in preparing the new guide and historians who have been critical.
En 2009, le ministère de la Citoyenneté et de l’Immigration a publié un nouveau guide, Découvrir le Canada : Les droits et responsabilités liés à la citoyenneté, expliquant le Canada aux immigrants. Ce guide a suscité de nombreux commentaires et critiques, notamment les parties consacrées au passé militaire du Canada et aux normes qui gouvernent la société en matière d’égalité entre les hommes et les femmes. Cette séance réunit des individus qui ont participé à la préparation du nouveau guide ou qui ont formulé des critiques.
20:15-21:30 20 h 15 – 21 h 30
The 2011 Avie Bennett Historica Dominion Institute Public Lecture in Canadian History La conférence 2011 Avie Bennett Historica Dominion Institute en histoire canadienne
Speaker Conférencier: Professeur Gérard Bouchard, Université du Québec à Chicoutimi
Friday, 14 October 2011 Vendredi, 14 octobre 2011
9:30 - 11:00 9 h 30 – 11 h 00
SessionSéance 2-A Rebellions, Violence, and Reactions Rébellions, violence et réactions
Bradley Miller, University of Toronto - Sovereignty, Self-Defence, and International Law in the Rebellion Period Borderlands, 1837-1843
This paper examines the role of international law thought in the rebellion period. During and after the Canadian rebellions the American border was a focal point for legal and political controversy. After the first rebellions in 1837 were suppressed, rebels and their American supporters embarked on years of cross-border attacks on the colonies, ranging from the large-scale invasions of 1838 to targeted arsons, assassinations, and bombings. These raids prompted policy-makers in Canada and Britain to ask far-reaching questions about international law and the nature of American territorial sovereignty. They explored the legal limits of national self-defence, and pushed the boundaries of international law in declaring that if America could not control its territory and stop the attacks British forces could lawfully cross the border and engage the rebels inside the U.S. In so doing these colonial and imperial officials drew ideas and influences from diplomatic history and from legal writers ranging from nineteenth-century natural law philosophers to just-published American treatises on the law of nations. But these ideas did not coalesce into a clear set of rules, and during the rebellion period this was an especially uncertain and unstable area of international law.
We know very little about international law in nineteenth-century British North America. Diplomatic history has long left out the role of legal ideas in statecraft, while international legal scholarship most often focuses exclusively on internal debates among lawyers and judges, rarely dealing in any substantial way with the law in practice. This paper is an attempt to map both practical and philosophical influences on international law, and to examine the deployment of these legal ideas in Canadian statecraft.
Michael Michie, York University – “Three cheers for the Canadian peasants”: the response of British Radicals and Chartists to the Canadian rebellions of 1837-38
On Wednesday 10 January 1838, a meeting was held at the Crown and Anchor Tavern in Westminster to discuss the rebellions in Lower and Upper Canada. Attendance was claimed to be 4000, with thousands more unable to get in. The meeting ended with a rousing “three cheers for the Canadian peasants.” This was one of several well-attended meetings of support for the Lower Canadian Patriots and Upper Canadian reformers that were organized by radicals in England and Scotland in early 1838. It is curious that this movement of support has been largely unexamined by Canadian historians and historians of Chartism, all the more so when it is considered that the rebellions coincided precisely with the formative period of Chartism in late 1837 and early 1838. Radicals were receiving news of Canadian events at the same time they were organizing meetings and signatures for the Peoples’ Charter.
The paper first presents a brief account of the rebellions in the context of debates over colonial policy and reform. This is followed by analysis of the arguments and language employed by reformers and radicals, by focusing on a few key themes: comparison between political representation in Britain, Canada and America; the importance of the constitutional framework; perception of the conflict as an ethnic/nationalist one; and the often blurred relationship between Whigs, parliamentary radicals and Chartists.
While there has been considerable discussion around the meaning and impact of the rebellions, primarily as part of the debate on colonial policy in the 1830s, an examination of radical and proto-Chartist support introduces consideration of a challenge to the nature of the British State and the political system itself, in the wake of the 1832 Reform Act. Radicals seized upon news of the conflict as a propaganda weapon against the Whig government; the same government allegedly responsible for suppression of “Canadian” and of British political rights. Parliamentary Radicals saw the conflict in Canada as indicating the need for representative government in the colonies. Proto-Chartists went further, arguing that the Canadian rebels were setting an example for the people of Britain to follow.
Dan Horner, Center for Urban History, University of Leicester – “At risk of becoming slaves to the mob”: The Impact of Elite Reactions to Popular Violence in Montreal on Discussions of Responsible Government, 1844-1849
In the decade following the rebellions of the 1830s, the streets of Montreal were the site of numerous outbreaks of political violence. These riots, which were usually situated around municipal and parliamentary elections, prompted extended debates about the limits of democratic reform in rapidly growing colonial cities like Montreal. My paper will examine the impact that political violence had on the debates that led up to the establishment of responsible government. Although they were closely linked to political events, these riots were also part of a larger reaction to the way that migration and the transition to capitalism were transforming Montreal’s urban environment. Competing factions of the Montreal elite used these riots as an opportunity to present themselves as rational and composed figures that were entitled to hold positions of power and authority in the city. This cultural shift was a crucial part of the emergence of liberal governance in Canada, and the streets of British North America’s largest city were an important laboratory for changing practices of authority. While responsible government empowered many elites who had once been pushed to the margins of public life, this process was also marked by exclusion, most notably of women and migrant labourers.
Recent work on the politics of rational deliberation has raised important questions about mid-nineteenth-century Canadian politics. For most Canadians, however, politics was experienced through the rough popular politics of the urban street. By looking closely at the debates prompted by outbreaks of public violence, my paper will provide new insights into the evolution of Canada’s political culture in the years leading up to Confederation.
SessionSéance 2-B Religion, Political Culture, and Governance La religion, la culture politique et la gouvernance
Ashleigh Androsoff, University of Toronto - “The Days of Fooling Around with the Unlawful Doukhobors Are Over”: Solving British Columbia’s ‘Doukhobor Problem’ in the 1950s and 1960s
Canadian immigration authorities welcomed the Doukhobors in 1899, expecting that they would integrate, if not assimilate, into a “Canadian” way-of-life within a generation or two. Having suffered extensively in Russia for their religious convictions, however, the Doukhobors immigrated to Canada to preserve their ethno-religious identity as Doukhobors and had no intention of assimilating. This mutual misunderstanding produced a serious “Doukhobor problem,” which became especially urgent when Freedomite Doukhobors used nudity, arson, and explosives to protest assimilation pressure. Since the majority of these demonstrations took place in the southern interior of British Columbia, where most Sons of Freedom resided, it was incumbent on British Columbian legal and political authorities to handle the situation.
As the Sons of Freedom escalated their protest activity in the middle of the twentieth century, public pressure to “do something” to solve the “Doukhobor problem” mounted, and British Columbian authorities (especially Social Credit Premier W. A. C. Bennett and Attorney-General Robert Bonner) scrambled to identify workable solutions. The Socreds’ plan emphasized the rights and responsibilities of good citizenship: to law-abiding Doukhobors, the government extended improved civil rights; to law-breaking Doukhobors, the government imposed increased sanctions. While Bennett emphasized the government’s intention to differentiate between “law-abiding” and “law-breaking” Doukhobors in the name of fairness, Bonner petitioned the federal government for the right to suspend Freedomites’ civil rights through the application of a curfew and forced relocation.
An examination of the Socreds’ proposals concerning the “Doukhobor problem” reveals much about evolving notions of Canadian “citizenship,” ethnic (or “racial”) tension in the aftermath of the Second World War, and the lengths British Columbians were prepared to go to in order to ensure a basic level of conformity to social “norms” in the middle of the twentieth century.
Denis McKim, University of Toronto - God & Government: Exploring the Religious Roots of Canadian Political Culture
Recent years have witnessed a veritable renaissance in the writing of Canadian political history. Thoughtful works, many of which pertain to the pre-Confederation era, have been produced on topics ranging from the role of ideas in shaping British North America’s political development, to the evolving role of the state, to the part played by “ordinary” citizens in animating various political campaigns. Scant attention, however, has been paid in recent years to early Canadian political culture’s religious dimension. This lack of emphasis seems odd, given the fact that several of the most contentious issues within pre-Confederation politics—the debate over which denominations’ clergy would be permitted to solemnize marriages, the Clergy Reserves controversy, the struggle over sectarian schools—were expressly religious disputes, while many of the individuals involved in determining the character of early Canadian political culture—John Strachan, Egerton Ryerson, George Brown—were deeply religious people. My paper seeks to address this historiographical gap by shedding light on the centrality of religious phenomena to the development of Canadian political culture. Focusing on the colonies of Upper and Lower Canada, the paper will concern itself with a polarizing debate that occurred between the early 1820s and the mid-1850s over whether or not the state should actively assist religious institutions in their attempts to promote heightened moral standards among the Canadian citizenry. This debate, which revolved around the Clergy Reserves endowment and the status of King’s College, Toronto, brought into focus the existence in nineteenth-century Canada of profound politico-religious divisions. Proponents of state-aided Christianity, many of whom were Tories, clashed with critics of close church-state ties, many of whom were Reformers. My paper aims to examine the conceptual underpinnings of this conflict, and to illuminate the vital part played by religious issues and actors in influencing Canada’s political development.
Julia Rady-Shaw, University of Toronto - Scripture and Citizenship: Church Advocacy in Ontario, 1945-1950
Between 1945 and 1950 government and public stakeholders as well as religious leaders came together to investigate the state of the education system in Ontario. The Royal Commission on Education in Ontario was a lengthy process. It included many town hall meetings, the extensive collection of public briefs on education, and interviews with invested community members, all of which culminated in the 1950 Hope Report.
Like other issues in the post- Second World War period, debates about education were charged with the rhetoric of democracy, freedom, and citizenship. If policy makers could agree on nothing else, they agreed that in education the province had the best opportunity to fashion good and conscientious citizens for the decades to come. The Protestant Churches shared the same mentality, and were some of the most outspoken groups. They advocated primarily for more religious teaching in the schools, but also were concerned with issues such as separate schools, funding for education, attendance requirements, and pedagogy.
My paper examines the place of religion in Ontario’s schools by addressing two major themes. First, I look at the activism of the Protestant Churches in shaping the education agenda in the post-war period. Schools were an important arena where the Churches could actively influence society outside of the pulpit. Second, I address the implications of such religious activism for our understanding of the post-war State. Meant to re-engage my colleagues in the debate about the place of religion in everyday life, my paper does not assume that society was, by the time in question, secularized. By examining the Hope Report, the public briefs, denominational correspondence, and response papers to the Commission, I trace how religious values were embedded in the language of public policy, and how these values were fundamental to the changing conceptions of citizenship after 1945.
SessionSéance 2-C The Welfare State: Medicare and Unemployment Insurance L’État providence: l’Assurance-santé et l’assurance- chômage
Gregory P. Marchildon, University of Regina and Nicole O’Byrne, University of New Brunswick - The Last One Aboard: New Brunswick and the Implementation of Medicare
Introduced as a federal-provincial cost-sharing program in the 1960s, Medicare marked a significant milestone in the history of Canadian federalism. As part of the Program of Equal Opportunity, the government of Louis Robichaud was one of the first Canadian provinces to agree in principle to the adoption of universal healthcare. However, somewhat surprisingly, New Brunswick was the last province to implement Medicare. Although many of the federal-provincial negotiations occurred under the auspices of the Robichaud’s Program of Equal Opportunity, it was Richard Hatfield’s government that was responsible for Medicare’s implementation in New Brunswick. In this paper, we examine the history of the federal-provincial negotiations surrounding Medicare in order to shed light on the scope of Robichaud’s Program of Equal Opportunity and re-evaluate the role of the Hatfield government in the history of public policy in New New Brunswick.
Heather MacDougall, University of Waterloo - Politics, Pundits and the Public: Contesting Medicare, 1984-2011
From the passage of the Canada Health Act in 1984 to the present, Medicare has been a source of conflict among the federal/provincial/territorial governments, provinces/territories and their medical associations, and neoconservative pundits and think tanks and the public. By analyzing the rhetoric of the Mulroney, Chrétien, Martin and Harper governments, provinces such as British Columbia, Alberta, Ontario and Québec, the Canadian Medical Association and its provincial branches, the national media, think tanks such as the Fraser and the Caledon Institutes, and organizations such as the Friends of Medicare and the Canadian Health Coalition, this paper will demonstrate how a ‘sacred trust’ and national icon which many Canadians regard as central to their conception of citizenship is being challenged. Initially the critique centred on rising costs and used British and American examples of market-based medical services to illustrate alternative approaches. Canadians, in general, objected to privatization. To defeat the deficit, the Chrétien government cut transfer payments which compelled provinces to limit spending. But the public was restive and, as both the Kirby and Romanow Reports indicated in 2002, wanted to see significant reinvestment in Medicare. But neoconservatives wanted the system overhauled to meet patient’s needs, to control pharmaceutical costs, and to deal with chronic diseases and new health issues. Legal cases challenging provincial health programs increased in spite of the Health Care Accords signed in 2003 and 2004. The impending end of the 2004 Accord has prompted renewed demands from the Canadian Medical Association for a “transformation” of Canadian medicare, a call from health reporter André Picard for an “adult conversation” about Medicare’s future, and a series of public forums sponsored by Maclean’s to discuss the topic. Examining the history of the issue and explaining the rhetoric used by both sides will shed light on this important public policy debate.
Mark Gulla, McMaster University - The Unemployment Insurance Commission and the Expansion of the Right to Benefit, 1940-1971
This paper explores the nation-building project in which the Unemployment Insurance Commission (UIC) engaged in since its creation in 1940 and into the decades leading to the overhaul of the original Unemployment Insurance Act in 1971. In 1940, the federal government passed the Unemployment Insurance Act and in the following year, the Unemployment Insurance Commission began distributing unemployment insurance benefits. Unemployment insurance however covered only half of Canada’s working population when it was originally introduced. Indeed, unlike other social security programs passed during this period, Canada’s unemployment program only achieved universality in 1971.
This paper will probe the reasons behind the originally limited coverage of Canada’s UI program and why universality was only achieved in the 1970s. It examines the administrative history of the program and the state actors and agencies involved in developing and expanding the program such as the various juridical levels of the UIC, and the Unemployment Insurance Advisory Committee (UIAC). However, instead of focusing solely on the state and the development of the program, this paper examines the labour movement and ordinary Canadians and how, in their interactions with the UIC, situated and described themselves within the program as not only beneficiaries but as citizens entitled to benefit. In doing so, this paper explores just how influential organized labour and citizens actually were in the development of the program.
Utilizing a range of state records such as governmental memoranda, correspondences, case file and appeal records as well as ordinary Canadians’ letters and petitions, this paper will highlight the ongoing process of identity formation which regulated, reaffirmed and reconstituted definitions of not only the ideal worker but the ideal citizen. This process was situated around the Commission and Canadians’ often contesting ideas of entitlement and employability which continually altered the nature and scope of the UI program.
SessionSéance 2-D Education and Citizenship L’éducation et la citoyenneté
Paul Axelrod, Roopa Desai Trilokekar, Theresa Shanahan, and Richard Wellen, York University - The Politics of Policy-making in Post-secondary Education: Ottawa and Ontario, 1990-2000
How public policy is imagined, developed, modified, and implemented is a major preoccupation of political historians and political scientists. In light of their enormous impact on nations, individuals and communities, policy decisions matter immensely in the life of society, and this paper seeks to contribute to new literature on this subject. It draws from a SSHRC-funded project entitled, “Making Policy in Post-secondary Education, 1990-2007.” The study examines post-secondary education policy initiatives over this period in the context of new economic and political paradigms both at the federal government and provincial (Ontario) levels.
Interdisciplinary in its conception, the project’s four researchers draw from the fields of history and policy analysis in order to shed light on contemporary policy development. Through several case studies on new research initiatives, the creation of new institutions, and changes in legislation in degree granting status, this paper explains the decision-making dynamics involved. It explores the role of individuals, ideologies, policy-development structures, networks and lobbying, and external pressures (primarily social and economic), which helped shaped decision-making agendas. Drawing extensively from interviews with government and educational officials intimately involved in policy development, from available documents, and from pertinent literature by students of public policy, the paper offers insights on comparative policy-making processes, on the relative importance in governance of individuals and social structures, and, in light of jurisdictional tensions in the educational field, on the enduring Canadian problem of federal-provincial relations.
Benjamin Bryce, York University - Linguistic Ideology and Ethnic Space: German-language education in Ontario, 1880-1918
Long before World War I, very few children in Ontario studied German. By 1889, German was not the language of instruction at any school in the province, and there were no “German schools” despite the persistence of this category in some government documents. In the historiography about Germans in Ontario, scholars have often sought to explain low attendance figures by turning to questions of identity and generational differences. Yet an important cultural and political process has been overlooked. From the 1880s onwards, the nascent provincial state in Ontario prounded a very clear linguistic ideology and interest in a homogeneous nation. This paper aims to show that this political process emerged in opposition to the pre-existing status of German-language education.
Drawing on inspectors' reports, discourse in the annual departmental reports, annually published provincial regulations, German textbooks authorized by the province, and the discussion of education in a variety of German-language sources, I examine the linguistic ideology and cultural nationalism of one of Ontario's largest ministries. This paper outlines the lack of ethnic space that this ideology on language and nation created. Instead of allowing citizens to create separate ethnic institutions, it appears that the nature of Canadian liberalism in this time period encouraged people to use locally-run school boards with minor concessions to ethnic interests. I argue that the presence of German-language education in Ontario between 1880 and 1918 was severely limited by the cultural hegemony of the Anglophone state, its linguistic ideology, and its overarching control of local school boards.
Terry Wilde, York University - Dying to be Canadian; Educating Ontario’s 19th Century Resource Workers
In the late nineteenth century, workers along Ontario’s resource frontiers were almost exclusively, male. The majority were also illiterate and this exacerbated the already dangerous workplace conditions. Through the Ontario Reading Camps Association, (later Frontier College) and the Ontario Ministry of Education in situ literacy programs were initiated. The Minister of Education supported them saying: “It is extremely desirable that those who are engaged in mining and lumbering operations should be furnished with some means of having their spare time occupied with what will be entertaining and elevating.”1
The 1901 Annual Report of the Bureau of Mines observed that it:
… seems probable that the considerable proportion of foreigners
employed in the mines with their imperfect understanding of the
English language and their inability to read, may also have had the
effect of increasing the number of accidents.2
The incompatible mix of languages, combined with an inability to read was frequently a recipe for death. For decades, however, there was a persistent increase in fatalities in these workplaces. The province recognized the problem early on but the Mine Act was not amended for ten years. Only then were signs posted in the languages of workmen. Perversely however, both the lessons and the teachers were received without much enthusiasm.
This paper will argue that workers resisted conceptions of citizenship for three reasons: 1) a lack of trust manifested by disparate appearances; 2) dense, inaccessible readings; 3) alien models of nationalism and patriotism. The consequence of their opposition was ever-higher death tolls. The lack of progress in literacy led to more and more fatalities and it was not until after World War One that improvements were realized as new definitions of courage, valour and patriotism evolved.
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