Draft: Please do not cite without permission. In particular, the empirical information remains in development and should not be referenced without explicit contact with the author in advance




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Resistence and Rebellion: Lessons from Eastern Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

40 Sasse, pp. 20-22.

41 Hughes and Sasse, p. 235.

42 Sasse, pp. 20-22.

43 In countries that are still moving through the process of creating democratic institutions, this act of routinizing debates into institutions is crucial to the establishment and preservation of viable governing structures for multiethnic states.

44 Sasse, p. 16.

45 Max Weber, “What is a State?” In “Politics as a Vocation. From Max Weber:Essays in Sociology, edited and translated by H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1919, 1946.

46 On the contrast between de jure and de facto Weberian states, see, Robert Jackson and Karl Rosberg, “Why Africa’s Weak States Persist: The Empirical and the Juridical in Statehood,” World Politics 35, no. 1, 1982, pp. 1-24.

47 Good discussions of information institutions and various means used by local actors to exert control appear in Gretchen Helmke and Steven Levitsky, “Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: A Research Agenda,” Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 4, 2004, pp. 725-40, Conor O’Dwyer, “Reforming Regional Governance in East Central Europe: Europeanization or Domestic Politics as Usual?,” East European Politics and Societies 20, no. 2, 2006, pp. 219-53, and in Alena Ledeneva, How Russia Really Works (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006).

48 Catherine Boone, “Decentralization as Political Strategy in West Africa,” Comparative Political Studies 36, no. 4, May 2003, pp. 355-80.

49 Stathis Kalyvas, “The Ontology of ‘Political Violence:’ Action and Identity in Civil Wars,” Perspectives on Politics 1, no. 3, 2003, pp. 475-94.

50 Other goals, often counter to this one, might be high levels of representation in governing structures, what many theorists would place under the broad heading of “democracy.” This goal is not examined here, but a caveat should be made that patronage structures do reduce levels of democracy understood in these terms.

51 Keith Darden, “Blackmail as a Tool of State Domination: Ukraine under Kuchma,” East European Constitutional Review 10, no. 2/3, Spring/Summer 2001, and Darden, “The Integrity of Corrupt States: Graft as an Informal State Institution,” Politics and Society 36, no. 1, March 2008, pp. 35-60. Another brief overview of the structure of central control in Ukraine appears in Lucan Way, “Ukraine’s Orange Revolution: Kuchma’s Failed Authoritarianism,” Journal of Democracy 16, no. 2, April 2005, pp. 131-45. Alena Ledeneva outlines similar control structures of kompromat in Russia, in How Russia Really Works (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006).

52 The recent prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko previously spent time in jail; Serhiy Ratushnyak, the illustrious mayor of Uzhhorod, the capital of Transcarpathia, left for Western Europe in 1998.

53 These strategies are not limited to the former Soviet space. A good discussion of patronage state structures in another context appears in Kanchan Chandra, Why Ethnic Parties Succeed: Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

54 Definition paraphrased from Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 157.

55 McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, p. 157, and Charles Tilly, The Politics of Collective Violence (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 21-22.

56 John Padgett and Christopher Ansell, “Robust Action and the Rise of the Medici, 1400-1434,” American Journal of Sociology 98, no. 6, 1993, pp. 1259-1319, Charles Tilly, “International Communities, Secure or Otherwise,” in Emmanuel Adler and Michael Barnett, eds. Security Communities (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), Alexander Cooley, “Imperial Wreckage: Property Rights, Sovereignty, and Security in the Post-Soviet Space,” International Security 25, no. 3, 2000/01, pp. 100-27, Cooley, Logics of Hierarchy: The Organization of Empires, States, and Military

Occupations. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright, “What’s at Stake in the American Empire Debate,” American Political Science Review 101, no. 2, 2007, pp. 253-71, and Nexon, Religious Contention, Imperial Rule, and International Relations in Early Modern Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, forthcoming).

57 Nexon and Wright 2007, and Nexon forthcoming.

58 In similar fashion, the Berehovo county council also codified the county’s 81 percent vote to establish a Hungarian Autonomous District on April 28. “Samovryadne Zakarpattya: proekt zakonu Ukraini schvaleno!,” Novini Zakarpattya, March 6, 1992; “Zvernennya,” Novini Zakarpattya, March 12, 1992; “Az alapdokumentumot elfogadták,” Kárpáti Igaz Szó, March 10, 1992, and “Elfogadták a törvénytervezetet,” Beregi Hírlap, May 7, 1992.

59 “Narada u Predstavnika Prezidenta,” Novini Zakarpattya, April 2, 1992, “Rada Komandi Prezidenta,” Novini Zakarpattya, April 4, 1992, “Volodimir Prichodko: ‘Turbuyucya za dolyu Zakonoproektu pro Status Zakarpattya,’” Novini Zakarpattya, April 18, 1992, “U Chomu Sila Silnoi Vladi?,” Novini Zakarpattya, April 22, 1992, and “Mihajlo Krajilónak, az Ukrán Elnök Kárpátaljai Megbízottjának Nyilatkozata,” Kárpáti Igaz Szó, April 8, 1992.

60 Novini Zakarpattya, May 19, 1992.

61 A summary of events appears in “Dorohoyu Ednannya,” Novini Zakarpattya, July 2, 1992.

62Novini Zakarpattya, articles from April 2, 1992 to November 30, 1993.

63 Also known as Ruthenians.

64Paul Robert Magocsi, “The Hungarians in Transcarpathia,” Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3, 1996, p. 532.

65“Zayava,” Novini Zakarpattya, May 25, 1993, and “E Timchasovii uryad ‘podkarpatskoi rispubliki!’ Ale… Menshovikiv,” Novini Zakarpattya, May 27, 1993, and interviews in Transcarpathia, 1998.
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