Other Books by Stephen Bowman




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Other Books by Stephen Bowman


Morning Ran Red

Bowman ranks with the top mystery writers!”

Clive Cussler

An infectious read. I could not put this book down!”

Kingsport Press

Better than Capote’s ‘In Cold Blood’”

Lincoln Journal

Morning Ran Red is being released in electronic format in preparation for and in recognition of the 100th anniversary of what many consider the most intriguing unsolved mass murder mystery of United States history.

MRR, as it is known to fans, has been enjoyed by hundreds of thousands of readers for both its literary quality and as a timeless true crime thriller.

At the time of its first release, many residents of Villisca asked the author not to publish the story, a controversy with which the town had struggled for decades. The author decided to change the names of the town and the characters. After all, the goal was to write about an intriguing story, not to write an expose about the town. This accommodation was soon mitigated when the first publisher sent a press release that a book had been published about the Villisca Axe Murders.

Today, MRR itself has become a part of the history, credited by some with helping to heal century-old wounds, and chastised by others. It has also been credited with bringing an important tourism economy to Villisca in these days of struggling rural communities.


To purchase an eBook version of Morning Ran Red, go to:

http://www.smashwords.com/books/view/11272


Operation Monarch

Inspired by a true story, Operation Monarch uncovers a global conspiracy involving child abuse and political espionage.


To purchase an eBook version of Operation Monarch, go to:

http://www.smashwords.com/books/view/11275


When the Eagle Screams

America's Vulnerability to Terrorism


Stephen Bowman


Note: When The Eagle Screams was written prior to the first World Trade Center bombing. It is recognized as perhaps the first writing by an American author to warn that attacks on American soil were imminent. Indeed, it is interesting that the books seems to have grasped the state of terrorism and to have predicted almost every event that has taken place since the first attack, to present day.


.


When The Eagle Screams

Stephen Bowman

Published by Stephen Bowman at Smashwords


All Rights Reserved © 1994 by Stephen Bowman


Smashwords Edition, License Notes


This eBook is licensed for your personal enjoyment only. This eBook may not be re-sold or given away to other people. If you would like to share this book with another person, please purchase an additional copy for each person you share it with. If you’re reading this book and did not purchase it, or it was not purchased for your use only, then please return to Smashwords.com and purchase your own copy. Thank you for respecting the hard work of this author.


For printed copies of the book, visit:

Amazon.com

Barnes & Noble

IUniverse.com

ISBN 1-55972-228-2


When the Eagle Screams


Introduction:

An Interview With William Colby


One month after the terrorist bomb exploded at the World Trade Center in New York City on February 26, 1993, I met with William Colby, the former director of the CIA, to discuss his views on the terrorist threat to the United States. I had been researching terrorism for about four years, so I was prepared to produce a timely book on the subject.


There was a very real sense of urgency at the time of our meeting. My initial outline for this book had predicted that the World Trade Center would be the first target of a new wave of foreign terrorist actions, and that the next targets would be New York's busy traffic tunnels. Watching the book come to life before I could get the words on the page was dis­turbing, and when the plot to attack the United Nations and the New York City traffic tunnels came to light, the message of this book suddenly took on a new importance. I was eager to get Bill Colby's opinions on the sub­ject. Not only was he the former director of the CIA (1973-1976), but he had spent most of his life in covert operations, dating back to the begin­ning of his career as a soldier working behind enemy lines during World War II. He had also witnessed or participated in some of the most trying times of our intelligence agencies when both the FBI and CIA had been accused of going out of control in their zest for gathering information on private citizens as well as accusations never confirmed that the CIA had trained assassins and targeted non-military personnel. Who better than Colby to reflect on the threat of terrorism?

Since this was our third meeting, he invited me to his home in Georgetown, where we conducted the interview in his living room. I was surprised by his candor.

Bowman: As I mentioned, I am writing a book on terrorism-the threat of terrorism inside the United States. The World Trade Center bombing obviously spurred me to action to complete the book, but I view that as rather cosmetic, really, as compared to what might be coming and what we can do about it.

Colby: Well, I think two things. Greater public awareness will make the public accept the various rules necessary to fight this kind of environment. For example, we all accept the minute or two delays it takes us to get on an airplane because of the screen­ing-because it's such an obvious point of vulnerability and the screening has been a great success in stopping hijacking. Not that you've eliminat­ed every [threat], but you have certainly reduced the number enormously by that type of procedure.

Now you're seeing-with companies and big buildings-that a similar identification access procedure is generally accepted.

There is some doubt as to how efficient some of those are. One has the impression one could sign the name Adolph Hitler and walk in and nobody would pay any attention in a certain number of cases, but some of them are a little more serious than others. And it's this sort of thing [the World Trade Center bomb] that makes things a little more serious and puts the heat on the guard services to be more serious. It's all an educational effort.

The second thing is stimulating the public to take a role. You remem­ber the terrible case in New York year’s ago-Kitty Genovese, a young woman who was murdered while thirty-seven people saw it happen out­side their windows and did nothing? That was a shock, just a terrible lack of public interest and a terrible crime. On the other hand, the Son of Sam case in New York also had the city terrorized by murdering young women in various parts of the city. But sooner or later he was picked up because some neighbor noticed something funny about his car and tipped the police to it.

So there's the difference: public engagement.

If the public is aware that there is a terrorist problem-instead of just ignoring that package sitting on the bus all by itself, alerting some author­ity-[they can help] avoid disasters. If terrorists see that the public will report their activities: that puts certain deterrence into the problem. So public involvement and interest are important elements of fighting terrorists.

B: What about more sophisticated terrorist attacks?

C: I think terrorism-if it gets serious-will be suppressed. It will either be suppressed by use of the lawful means of aroused government, or by aroused people taking the steps necessary to conquer it.

The Italians did a brilliant job on the Red Brigades, which was bomb­ing and killing people throughout the country and even kidnapped and murdered the prime minister. It was a major threat. And the Italians ral­lied to put their police force and security services to work. They used the courts. They used the law. They did not develop death squads or anything like that to fight it. And the Red Brigades is practically nonexistent now. Why? Because they [the Italians] put their minds to it and worked at it. Because it was serious. If it is a marginal thing, you probably can't get people interested in it. That's the problem. But if it's serious, they will.

Now, some governments have gone over the edge and gone to illegal ways of fighting terrorists. A prime example is Argentina, which did launch death squads, and a lot of people disappeared. They did suppress terrorism, but they did it at a terrible cost, and they are still suffering the results of it because of the way they went about it. So, in that sense, I think (a) terrorism can be defeated and (b) you have to use legal means to do it. B: What about international terrorism?

International terrorism has a complication where you've got nations such as Libya, Iran, and others that are now stimulating various funda­mentalist terrorists-through Sudan against Egypt, Sudan against Tunisia--these are real problems. But they can be defeated. It takes a lot of guts and a lot of strength to go at it.

B: DeMarenches, the ex-head of the French intelligence, refers to the battle against terrorism as the Fourth World War.

C: Well, I'm not sure it's quite to that extent. Terrorism is a problem, but let's face it: the most serious terrorist threat most Americans face is walking through a center city at night. That is the home of terrorism. It has nothing to do with Middle Easterners coming and planting bombs, but it is a form of terrorism. We've had terrorists in this country. We've had the Ku Klux Klan, which was a terrorist organization, no doubt about it. So this is a phenomenon that does exist.

Being terrorized is a very broad concept. That's the Fourth World War it's a normal problem of keeping order in a society against extrem­ists. And there are extremists around. Some of them consider America a Great Satan, and therefore a blow against the symbol of America, such as the Trade Towers, something like that is supposed to be a rewarding kind of a thing to do. Well, we have to make sure it is not rewarding.

I don't think it's a Third World War or a Fourth World War. Believe me: you cannot equate the problems of terrorism with the fact that we and the Russians faced each other, each of us, with twenty-five thousand war­heads. We weren't talking about death and destruction. We were talking about elimination of life on earth. We are very fortunate to have gotten through that period. We still have a clean-up job to do, and one of the things we have to worry about is nuclear terrorism, of course. But, believe me, there's nothing that matches the potential destruction of that situation.

B: Do you find it frightening that Iran and North Korea are jointly developing nuclear capabilities?

C: Sure. But again, proliferation is a threat and one we have to worry about. But let's face it it's a threat of one bomb, not twenty-five thou­sand. We have to keep the pressure on these countries not to develop that kind of nuclear power. But we have to show the example. We have to show the leadership. For too many years the United States has refused to consider a variety of potential steps that would, I think, help us in that process. No first-use pledge. And we have continued to test until Congress stopped it, a few months ago, until next July.

But the other nations say, "What do you mean? We're not supposed to have any, and you go ahead and make more and more? That doesn't make any sense." And it doesn't make any sense. Indirha Ghandi once said in a somewhat sharp way, "Don't you Super Powers give us lessons about nuclear warheads until you get your own act under control." Well, now I think we are beginning to do exactly that. The United States and Russia have agreed on major reductions in nuclear arms, but it's still an absurd number. We can continue to go down much further than that. The nuclear potential in some of these irresponsible hands does and should worry us. We should use all possible diplomacy, certainly, and go to sanctions if necessary to dissuade them from developing nuclear weapons.

B: What about the general fundamentalist threat?

C: We tend to think of terrorism as some great, centralized net coming out of some major war center somewhere. To a degree, that exists - there were those kinds of networks and conscious support of known groups and other countries. But there is another phenomenon, and it may be that the World Trade Center [bombing] represents this.

This has to do with the inflammatory spreading of terrorism which is not enacted by specific recruitment and dispatch of agents. It's designed to encourage extremists to think up on their own what they might be able to do. Now that's a tougher problem because even if you get an agent or a source in one of these networks, you may get a pretty good idea of what's going on, but you cannot tell who is picking up the point and what he is doing with it. We may see that this World Trade Center thing was like that-people get inspired by an extreme mission and go ahead and figure out on their own what they might do to make a blow for their beliefs. It doesn't take a large network. It just takes a few people. your chances of having an agent in that small group are not very much.

Again, if the neighbors are conscious of the problem, it makes it more difficult. You can hardly set up a bomb shop without, in most areas, some­how showing that you're trying to hide something.

B: What if terrorism reaches truly sophisticated levels where the actual infrastructure of the country is the target?

C: A country picks itself up because of its huge redundancy. If you have a revolutionary situation where you have lots of this going on, then it can have a real impact. But if it's an external thing, you're not apt to get that much loss. You can drive yourself crazy with the nuclear bombs in the crates in New York Harbor, and so forth. And we have to worry about things like that, but I don't think we have to go crazy over it tomorrow morning.

What we should do is try to think of ways to plan for the future. If we have an enemy nation and we know they have a nuclear bomb but no mis­sile to send it, which would be the silliest way to send it anyway, how might they send it? What should we do to protect ourselves against that kind of problem ten years from now? Do the war planning. We have to prepare for the unexpected without doing it through paranoia.

B: What do you think the dangers are of government-sponsored terror­ism becoming more organized?

C: I believe in being serious and reasonable, developing the proper kinds of measures, there's no question about it. But you can't scare me to death. Nobody's prepared for terrorism. One of the lessons that the Middle Eastern and other countries are gradually learning is that any attempt to separate themselves from the rest of the world leads to their going back­wards. Look at Iran, who declared war on the world, and they've gone back­wards in terms of development. Look at Cuba. They're still stuck in the Fifties because it's all by itself. So there they are, stuck in the time warp of the Fifties, and if you offered the people a chance to get out and go to Miami, a good half of them would go tomorrow morning. So, any of these countries that think they can be independent of the rest of the world, they're not going anywhere.

It's only by opening up and joining the rest of the world that you begin to get the flow of ideas and experience and trade and services and all the rest of it that create progress and advancement. Look at Russia after sev­enty years of isolation. They've got a great army but lousy shoes. In Iran there's a second line there, not exactly what I'd call moderate, but one which says "let's start the process of going back to the world." The sec­ond line is clearly starting to have an impact in Iranian politics. And part of that is not engaging in terrorism against other states.

B: In relation to some of the theories that countries will start to use ter­rorism as an actual military tactic, could we have rendered Iraq just as helpless with ten thousand dollars' worth of terrorism as we did with the billions of dollars spent on Desert Storm?

C: Well, again, we should have nothing to do with terrorism on inno­cent people. On the enemy, sure, sneak in and shoot the leadership on the other side. The young men on one side are killing the young men on the other side. As far as I'm concerned, the leaders are fair targets, and that's not terrorism.

B: Don't we have a law against that, or is it...

C: We have a Presidential directive which says we will not engage in assassination. But I think it's understood that assassination does not include shooting an enemy soldier or his commander. If you're in a time of war, you're entitled to anything. I would have cheerfully carried a bomb into Hitler's bunker and tried to get rid of the commander of the enemy forces.

The most absurd story I've ever heard was that in the Battle of Waterloo, in the middle of all this carnage, the Duke of Wellington saw that Napoleon had fallen within range of the British guns and he told the guns not to fire because generals don't shoot generals. Well, the hell with that. If you're shootin' privates, you sure as hell can shoot generals, as far as I'm concerned.

B: How confusing does that get in these days when we very seldom declare war?

C: Well, that's all right, too. I'll still apply it to when young men are killing each other.

The one thing you have to remember-and Americans are very poor on this is that the primary job of defending against terrorism is non-mili­tary. It's police security and the intelligence role. We don't understand police-the role of the police-because we have a military tradition. That over there is the enemy. Whereas the policeman thinks that guy over there is a citizen who needs to be controlled. Take Kent State, where some poor National confronted a mob of screaming students and all he could think to do was shoot at them. That tore the country apart. Dumb. a policeman never would have shot at them. He would have got­ten in the middle of them and pushed them away, and that's about it. It's more prevention than punishment.

I thanked Bill Colby for his time and proceeded to conduct interviews with anti-terrorist experts in the Washington area. There were a number of frightening contradictions revealed in these interviews. One of these was to hear each source emphasize the need to make the public aware of the terrorist threat, but then to see their concerns mitigated by official state­ments made by their superiors to the newspapers later that same day. It was also disturbing to hear the military mentality of "acceptable civilian losses" being applied to this domestic threat. I this attitude as repre­sentative of a major problem our officials face in learning to abandon their cold war methods in order to deal with a new kind of terrorist war that would take place inside our cities.

This recurring cold war mentality resulted in a major theme of this book: In today’s age of advanced weaponry, when even an unsophisticat­ed lunatic can wipe out a city, we cannot afford to allow history to repeat itself by repeating mistakes of the past.


Preface

We are witnessing one of the most historic periods in human existence - a collision of cultures, political ideologies, religious doc­trines, economic struggles, and national-security measures. The forces with which these evolutionary powers clash are strong enough to obliter­ate national boundaries, cause a superpower to self-destruct, release the pent-up angers of suppressed racial hatreds, and introduce to another gen­eration the horror of ethnic cleansing.

Amid these collisions, both on a global scale and within the borders of each nation, terrorism erupts and does its work. Terrorism reminds us not only that we are witnessing an historic moment, but also that we are fully participating in the creation of a new world for the next century.

Our political and social reactions to terrorism may well present some of the greatest challenges to definitions of freedom and democracy. Surrounded by issues of immigration, economic strife, religious funda­mentalism, energy and environmental needs, and antiquated political structures, the growing conservative movements in every nation and every religion are leading to the creation of reinforced borders, strict laws, and unforgiving moral codes, all of which will be conceived as unbending. The stage will be set for a new form of cold war, albeit not so cold as before.

This war will be fought not on one front, but on numerous cultural fronts which simultaneously transcend national borders and help assure that terrorist acts become the war strategy of the future.

Governments today attempt to meet these new challenges with old, cold-war political and military methods, which are the only methods they know. As massive armies march fruitlessly and super weapons prove themselves useless (except for encouraging other nations to build similar arsenals of mass destruction), the terrorist trend builds, bringing the world's conflicts to the doorstep of every citizen.

Nations that were prepared for the feared explosion of the cold war are not prepared for the terrorist war. Western nations, and the United States in particular, are most vulnerable to attacks designed to cripple or destroy their fragile infrastructures, which are wholly dependent on oil deliveries, fragile technological support, and computer controls-any or all of which can be destroyed in a single night while armies and their arsenals sit in darkness.

All of these threats are transitional problems related to the profound changes taking place. The violence connected with this transition can either be prolonged by the wrong response, or shortened considerably by common-sense solutions. In light of shocking events of today-both pos­itive and negative, but shocking nonetheless-the answers to these prob­lems appear to be confusing and obscure. But, as always, asking the right questions is a key to finding the answers.

This book is written with four primary premises: (1) terrorism is a symptom of political, social, and religious issues basically ignored by fed­eral agencies in charge of national security; (2) terrorism can no longer be treated as an obscure criminal risk now that terrorists have access to weapons of mass destruction; (3) national infrastructures he naked to ter­rorist attack; and (4) terrorism is ineffective against a stable society.

It is my hope that these four observations will considerably broaden the scope of terrorist study, an exercise which no official agencies have been willing to undertake. This book paints these issues with a broad brush in order to boldly illustrate theories which, if followed, might well point the way to meaningful solutions.


Contents

An Interview With William Colby

Preface


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