Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism

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Until the Democratic defamation team sprang to action, Chambers had tried to limit the damage to Hiss, his former friend. But Hiss had sued. His lawyers attacked Chambers's wife and made her cry. Hiss had smeared Chambers as a psychotic and homosexual. In Hiss's writ­ten response to HUAC's report, Hiss called Chambers a "queer" four

times.33 Chambers would no longer conceal the details of Hiss's espi­onage. Years earlier, Chambers had entrusted his nephew Nathan Levine with an envelope containing confidential government docu­ments Chambers had received from Hiss. Among the documents were copies and summaries of State Department papers written in Hiss's own handwriting. For years, the documents had been secreted away in the dumbwaiter shaft of a relative's house in Brooklyn, New York. Hiss's lawyers were demanding proof. Chambers, now living in Mary­land, took a train to New York and retrieved the envelope. When Chambers produced the documents, Hiss's lawyers were flabbergasted. Presented with such damning evidence, even the Harvard-educated lawyers realized the jig was up. They would have to alert the Depart­ment of Justice.

What happened next should stir the hearts of all patriotic Ameri­cans. The copied State Department documents were delivered to the head of the Criminal Division at Justice, Alexander M. Campbell. Camp­bell promptly directed that the documents be examined - quote - "so that it can be determined whether Chambers has committed perjury."34 Chambers! Chambers had produced breathtaking documentary evidence that Hiss had spied on his own country. In response, the Truman admin­istration decided to indict Chambers and throw a party for the traitor.

Apparently the Truman administration's decision to protect Hiss did not come as a surprise to a lugubrious fellow like Whittaker Cham­bers. In fact, perhaps fearing just this turn of events, Chambers had withheld the most damning material from Hiss's lawyers. He was about to set off a nuclear explosion with the documents he had withheld. As Truman's Department of Justice prepared to indict Chambers - working hand in glove with Hiss's lawyers35 - puzzling leaks about the investigation began appearing in the press. Members of HUAC were intrigued. They asked Chambers if he had any more information rele­vant to the committee's investigation of Hiss. He said he did.

On December 2, 1948, Chambers and two HUAC investigators drove to his farm in Maryland. In one of the most dramatic moments in U.S. history, Chambers reached into a hollowed-out pumpkin and produced microfilm of highly confidential documents from the Navy and State Department. At least three documents had come from Alger Hiss's office. The Pumpkin Papers, as Perjury author Allen Weinstein said, "provided definite proof of one of the most extensive espionage rings in the history of the United States."36

The pontifical, patrician Hiss launched a series of evasions and outright lies in response to the Pumpkin Papers. He claimed the docu­ments did not come from his typewriter, but was unable to produce the typewriter he owned when the documents were transcribed. He said he could not even recall the kind of typewriter it had been.37 Later it was determined that the Hisses' typewriter was a Woodstock given to Mrs. Hiss by her father. The FBI located documents typed on the Wood­stock typewriter by Hiss's father-in-law and matched the typeface to the State Department documents. When it could no longer be denied that the classified government documents had been typed on Hiss's typewriter, Hiss explained to an inquisitive grand jury: "I am amazed, and until the day I die I shall wonder how Whittaker Chambers got into my house to use my typewriter."38 The grand jurors laughed at him. But the New York Times wondered how Chambers had done that, too. The Nation magazine is still wondering.

Evidence of Hiss's guilt was overwhelming. It included Chambers's pumpkin papers, the Woodstock typewriter, Chambers's intimate knowledge of the details of Hiss's life (including the prothonotary warbler sighting), multiple independent witness identifications, and documents from Soviet defectors identifying Hiss as a Soviet spy. Chambers agreed to take a lie detector test without hesitation. Hiss refused. (This was before such tests were largely discredited.) Indeed, Hiss even refused a supporter's offer to examine him privately under a truth serum - something he never told his lawyer.39

Eventually, after years of hearings and drama and public turmoil over Chambers's accusations, Hiss was convicted of perjury for deny­ing under oath that he had spied on his own country. He escaped a direct espionage charge only because the statute of limitations had expired. Every few years for the rest of his life, Hiss would claim to have unearthed some mythical "new evidence" that would finally prove his innocence. But despite Hiss's numerous ludicrous appeals, the court repeatedly upheld his conviction.

Almost fifty years later, the release of the decrypted Soviet cables proved indisputably that Hiss was a Soviet spy, sending a shock wave through the New York Times building.

President Roosevelt had been warned repeatedly over the course of a decade that Hiss was a Soviet spy, but continued to promote Hiss to positions of greater influence. Hiss had been at President Roose­velt's side at Yalta, where Roosevelt notoriously handed over Poland to Stalin. Britain and France had started World War II over Poland, but at Yalta Roosevelt cavalierly relinquished Poland to another totalitarian despot. The man advising Roosevelt during this transaction was Alger Hiss, Soviet agent.

Truman kept Hiss on as director of the Office of Political Affairs at the State Department. Hiss supervised the Dumbarton Oaks Confer­ence, which helped create the United Nations, and he later served as secretary general of the San Francisco Conference, which drafted the United Nations Charter. In a final gift to his country, the Soviet spy bequeathed us the United Nations. When Chambers publicly accused Hiss of being a Soviet spy, Truman's Department of Justice tried to indict not Hiss but Chambers. Had that prosecution gone forward, the Truman administration would have destroyed the sole witness against Hiss. Two FDR-appointed Supreme Court justices, Felix Frankfurter and Stanley Reed, had testified as character witnesses for Hiss at his criminal trial. A future Democratic presidential candidate, Adlai Stevenson, would join them in attesting to Hiss's good character. Democrats were indignant when Joe McCarthy started referring to Stevenson as "Alger - I mean, Adlai . . . ," but not so indignant that their party had become a refuge for traitors.

The usual leftist Kool-Aid drinkers spent decades tirelessly work­ing on Hiss's rehabilitation. As the esteemed literary critic Lionel Trilling wrote, "The educated, progressive middle class, especially in its upper reaches, rallied to the cause and person of Alger Hiss, con­fident of his perfect innocence, deeply stirred by the pathos of what they never doubted was the injustice being visited upon him."40 Hiss "became a steady, if unspectacular, fixture on the university lecture circuit," attracting a new fan base in the 1960s "among college audi­ences, faculty and students, both in this country and in England."41 His first speech after leaving prison was at Princeton, where he was given a standing ovation.42 He lived in Manhattan(!) and was a celeb­rity guest at parties on the Upper West Side.43 Bard College has a chair in his name, the "Alger Hiss professor of social studies."44 William Reuben, the James Carville of the Hiss case, called Hiss "an Ameri­can saint."45

After Nixon was defeated in the 1962 California gubernatorial election, CBS News ran a special, titled "The Political Obituary of Richard Nixon." Among the expert guests was traitor and social critic Alger Hiss.46 In 1972, Hiss's membership in the bar was reinstated, making him the "first lawyer ever re-admitted to the Massachusetts Bar following a major criminal conviction."47

Decades later, the New York Times was still complaining about "the smarmy air surrounding the House inquiry."48 The air. Hiss was a Soviet spy, and liberals were snippy about the "air" in the room where he was exposed. Indeed, according to the Times, the air actually "cast doubt on Mr. Chambers's credibility." Hiss may have been a traitor to his country, but at least he was not some flag-waving yahoo Republi­can. Liberals would never give up on a man who spied for Stalin against America. Right up until the Soviet cables were declassified, they were still heatedly proclaiming Alger Hiss innocent.

In 1992, a few years before Soviet cables proved that Hiss was guilty, the Washington Post ran a news item stating three times that there was "no evidence" that Hiss was a Soviet agent.49 That same year, the New York Times published a letter by John Lowenthal, direc­tor of the Cold War Archives Project, The Nation Institute, stating cate­gorically that Alger Hiss "was not a spy." He said, "All disinterested historians must welcome the closing of this distressing episode."50 The Hiss case was "over." That same year, a writer mused in the pages of the Times that among the "Cold War mysteries" that might be answered by the Soviet archives was the devilish question of Hiss's guilt.51 In 1994, the New York Times reported, "The Hiss case remains as uncertain as before."52

In 1995, it was no longer uncertain. That was the year the Venona Project was unveiled, revealing Soviet cables that established that Hiss was a Soviet agent to everyone's satisfaction except direct relatives of Alger Hiss. Nonetheless, the New York Times still instinctively trots out the theory that Hiss was innocent. It's some psychological block liber­als have. Their minds are fine, but the woman wells up in them. In 1996, the Times described Hiss as "one of the great riddles of the Cold War," and blandly noted that some - "many of them on the left" - continued to revere Hiss.53 One struggles in vain to think of anyone not "on the left" who believed Hiss after Chambers produced the Pumpkin Papers, much less after the Venona Project was declassified.

As recently as September 8, 2002, the Times said of Hiss, "He was convicted [of perjury] in 1951. It was later learned that some evi­dence supporting his claim of innocence was covered up."54 Hiss was "accused" but it was "later learned" that evidence of his guilt was cooked! In one of the many official "corrections" to the Times's ritualistic proclamation that all Soviet spies were innocent, a later correction admitted that the "later learned" evidence was merely one of many red herrings thrown up by Hiss. It was never accepted by any court. The Times's correction said the original article had "omitted attribution for the suggestion that documents supporting Hiss's innocence were covered up. This was the position of Hiss and his supporters in a peti­tion to set aside his conviction. The petition was denied and later appeals failed."55

Lying about Hiss's innocence was only part of the Hiss Rehabili­tation Project. There was also the small matter of Chambers to be dealt with. Interestingly, Chambers's reception in polite society was not so welcoming as Alger Hiss's. After Chambers produced documentary proof that he was telling the truth about Hiss, Chambers was nearly

unemployable. In 1950, shortly after Hiss's conviction, publisher Henry Luce invited Chambers to return to Time magazine as a writer. Before Chambers had even arrived in Time's offices to discuss the offer, Luce rescinded it. He even withdrew an offer to write for Architectural Forum, another Luce publication. Other company executives had nixed Chamber’s return on the grounds that he was too "controversial."56

"Controversial" means "telling the truth about liberals." It is one of the words, along with "shrill" and "divisive," that liberals apply to conservatives before blacklisting them. Would Chambers have been "controversial" if he had exposed Nazi spies working for the president? As is usually the case with "controversial" writers, Chambers was not so "controversial" with the American people. His eight-hundred-page autobiography, Witness, released two years later, became an instant - but not a "surprise" - bestseller.57

Two Democratic administrations had employed known Soviet spies at the highest level. Because of inept Democrats, Soviet penetration was so deep that Stalin would learn about the atomic bomb before President Truman did.58 The Democrats had trifled with Communism. Quick action had to be taken immediately after the Hiss case. Other­wise Americans might dwell on the fact that Democrats cannot be trusted with the defense of the nation.

This is why liberals had to invent the myth of "McCarthyism." Joe McCarthy had absolutely no connection to the Hiss hearings. But as Allen Weinstein wrote in Perjury, "Hiss seemed an embodiment of what McCarthyism could do."59 By screaming about "McCarthyism," liberals would force the nation to "move on" from the subject of their own treachery. It has become a cottage industry of the left to aggres­sively assert and defend the proposition that McCarthy was stone-evil. After Soviet cables proved the Democrats had been sheltering Soviet spies, we had more of a sense of why they were so upset.

It's not as if Democrats ran for office on a policy of letting Com­munists dominate Eastern Europe and run wild through China. People like Alger Hiss and hundreds of other Soviet agents were lying about their real intentions. The Soviets had an avowed policy of influencing U.S. government policy, and the Democrats let them. Even liberals wouldn't have dared use the Clinton defense: Yeah, okay, I'm a Soviet agent and advising the president at Yalta. So what? Instead, when McCarthy exposed them, they called him a jackbooted oppressor.

McCarthy's opening salvo was his famous Wheeling, West Virginia, speech, in which he said he had in his hand the names of fifty-seven card-carrying Communists in the State Department. The Wheeling speech is often described as if it might as easily have been a speech on housing, but on a whim, McCarthy decided to give a speech on Communists in the State Department and decided anti-Communism was a good gig. As David Halberstam writes, "Suppose he had gone to pension plans instead of Communists. . . . Would history have been different?" Similarly, in The Manchurian Candidate, one of scores of Hollywood movies popularizing lies about McCarthy, the McCarthy figure chooses fifty-seven as the number of Communists in the government after see­ing it on a bottle of Heinz ketchup.

This is a ludicrous detachment from all antecedent events. It par­allels the theory that Ken Starr just woke up one day and decided to start investigating Clinton's sex life. It is true that McCarthy was a poli­tician and, as such, often jawboned a variety of political issues. It was not a crazy fluke that Communism came to be foremost among them.

The entire liberal establishment had ferociously defended Hiss and attacked Chambers. Even after Chambers produced the equivalent of Monica's DNA-stained dress, they still wouldn't give up on their darling Hiss. After dragging the country through their nonsense defenses, Hiss was finally convicted of perjury for denying he was a Soviet spy. On the day of Hiss's conviction, January 25, 1950, Dean Acheson announced at a press conference, "I do not intend to turn my back on Alger Hiss."60

The public was aghast at Acheson's statement, enraged at the will­ful blindness of the Democrats to Communist espionage. Acheson laid it on thick, citing Scripture in defense of a traitor.61 Only Clinton was more brazen. Nixon called Acheson's statement "disgusting." Cham­bers said, "You will look in vain in history for anything comparable to

it." Republican Senator William E. Jenner of Indiana denounced Acheson as a "Communist-appeasing, Communist-protecting betrayer of America." Would Democrats ever give a damn about Soviet spies swarming through the government? What was it going to take? The en­tire country was in a cauldron of rage at these inept, traitor supporting Democrats.
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Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconBooks on the Cold War

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconIn the decade after the end of the cold war

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconCold War Development of Scalar Interferometry

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconEast Asia in the Post-Cold War Era

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism icon1 New Approaches to Cold War: History and Current International Politics

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconThe Otherworld War (The Multiverse War) Cover Blurb

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconPaper presented at the International Conference on The History of the Cold War, Cortona, Italy, October 5–6, 2001

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconWar and peace? An agenda for peace research in geography. Nick Megoran, Newcastle University. Needs – engaging war. Maybe as crit geop section Abstract

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconAnTir/West war was lots of fun! The fighting was great! The results of the war met with an unfortunate accident so we can only assume AnTir won! (of course, we can as easily assume the West won!)

Liberal treachery from the cold war to the war on terrorism iconBiography
«terrorism, war, internal and external security» "terrorisme, guerre, sécurité intérieure, sécurité extérieure", unanimously awarded,...
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