Chapter 2 Conflict Resolution: Foundations, Constructions and Reconstructions




НазваниеChapter 2 Conflict Resolution: Foundations, Constructions and Reconstructions
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. UN interventions in pre-Dayton Bosnia (UNPROFOR) and Somalia (UNOSOM) did much to discredit such enterprises, but these were interventions in active war zones where there had been no prior formal peace agreements. Interventions in Rwanda (UNAMIR) and in Liberia to the end of 1996 (UNOMIL) were also abortive, the former blamed by some for precipitating the 1994 genocide, the latter a relatively small operation in support of the regional ECOWAS states. To set against these is the contribution made by ONUCA to the peace process in Honduras and Nicaragua, not included here because it was originally deployed to verify an inter-state nonintervention agreement, even though ONUCA's mandate was subsequently expanded to take on something of a peacebuilding role in those two countries. Intervention in Haiti (UNMIH) was not an intervention after a war.

lxxiv


. 'It is, of course, well known that the only source of war is politics -

the intercourse of governments and peoples; but it is apt to be

assumed that war suspends that intercourse and replaces it with a

wholly different condition, ruled by no law but its own.


We maintain, on the contrary, that war is simply a continuation of

political intercourse, with the addition of other means. We deliberately

use the phrase 'with the addition of other means' because we also want to make it clear that war in itself does not suspend political intercourse or change it into something entirely different. In essentials, that

intercourse continues, irrespective of the means it employs.'

K.M. von Clausewitz (1976, 75).

lxxv


. See also Mitchell (1991, 23-38).

lxxvi


. The acronyms signify: (1) the Party of Democratic Kampuchea (PDK) or DK for short; (2) the Front Uni National Pour Un Camboge Independent, Neutre, Pacifique et Cooperatif (FUNCINPEC); (3) the Khmer People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF).

lxxvii


. 'The simultaneous occurrence of contradictory forms of Vergesellschaftung [roughly, socialisation] is thus the basic fact that characterizes developing countries at war, for whereas the traditional patterns are dissolved by the advancement of the market economy, new 'modern' forms cannot yet be developed sufficiently to resolve emerging social conflicts': Jung, Schlichte, Siegelberg (1996, 55).

lxxviii


. This can be seen in the 11 annexes to the 14 December 1995 General Framework Agreement, Unfinished Peace: Report of the International Commission on the Balkans (Washington D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1996). Specific Un missions surviving in former Yugoslavia after the demise of UNPROFOR in December 1995 included: the United Nations Confidence Restoration Operation in Croatia (UNCRO); the United Nations Preventive Deployment Force in Macedonia (UNPREDEP); the United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH); the United Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES) and the United Nations Mission of Observers in Prevlaka (UNMOP).

lxxix By spring 1998 the UN Security Council was considering establishing a United Nations peace-keeping operation in the Central African Republic on the recommendation of the Secretary-General in support of the Inter-African Mission to Monitor the Implementation of the Bangui Agreements (MISAB). The possibility of a possible United Nations military presence in Sierra Leone to support ECOWAS forces in implementing the Conakry Agreement was also being contemplated.

lxxx. On peace-building in Cambodia see Doyle (1995), Evans (1994), Findlay (1995), Hampson (1996b, 171-204), Heininger (1994), Prasso (1995), United Nations Security Council (1992), United Nations Blue Book Series Vol II (1995b), United Nations (1996, 447-84), Wallensteen (ed.) (1996).


On peace-building in Namibia see Fetherston (1994, 59-70), Fortna (1993, 353-75), Hampson (1996b, 53-86), Jabri (ed.) (1990), Jaster (1990), Madden (1994), United Nations (1996, 203-29).


On peace-building in Angola see: Anstee (1993), Anstee (1996), Hampson (1996b, 87-128), Holt (1994), Krska (1997), Malaquias (1996), Prendergast and Smock (1996), Saferworld (1996), United Nations (1996, 231-66), United Nations Document S/1996/503 (1996).


On peace-building in Mozambique see: Alden (1995), Hume (1994), Malaquias (1996), Vives (1994), United Nations Blue Books Series Vol V (1995b), United Nations (1996, 319-38).


On peace-building in El Salvador see Boyce (1996), de Soto and Castello (1994), Grenier and Daudelin (1995), Hampson (1996b, 129-70), Holliday and Stanley (1993), Karl (1992), Montgomery (1995), Muncie (?), Pearce (1988), Stuart (1994), Sullivan (1994), United Nations (1992, 1993, 1994, 1995a), United Nations (1996, 423-46), Weiss (1995).


On peace-building in Bosnia see Schear, J. (1996), Sharp, J. (1997).

lxxxi. For example, Kumar (1997); Crocker and Hampson (1996); Hampson (1996b); Lake (ed.) (1990); Ball and Halevy (1996); Ginifer (ed.) (1997) (includes chapters on conceptual issues by Stedman/Rothchild and Shaw); Crocker and Hampson (eds) (1996) (Part IV: Consolidating Peace: New Challenges and Dilemmas pp.533-622); Bertram (1995); de Soto and del Castillo (1994); Paris (1997).



lxxxii. For example, The Blue Helmets: A Review of United Nations Peacekeeping (1996), and the UN Blue Books Series.

lxxxiii


. For example, Hampson, F. Nurturing Peace, which, based on a study of peace settlements in Cyprus, Namibia, Angola, El Salvador and Cambodia, concludes that there were successes (El Salvador, Namibia), partial successes (Cambodia) and failures (Cyprus, Angola) and assesses reasons for this. Hampson is more concerned with task (a) (preventing a relapse into war) than with the wider ambitions of task (b) (constructing a self-sustaining peace).

lxxxiv. For example, Paris (1997).

lxxxv


. For example, Lizee (1994), 135-48.

lxxxvi


. For the psychological aspects of conflict see Larsen(ed.) (1993). On its application to peacebuilding see Charters (ed.) (1994); Maynard (1997).

lxxxvii


. On the role of third parties in conflict intervention, see Laue (1990); Encarnacion, McCartney, Rosas (1990). For criticism of the actions and impact of particular UN missions see references in footnote 7.



lxxxviii. On the culture question in general see Burton and Sandole (1986); Avruch and Black (1991); Avruch, Black and Scimecca (eds) (1991); Cohen (1991); Augsburger (1992); Duffey (1993); Salem (1993).

lxxxix


. For example, Fetherston (1995). Behind this lie sociological, anthropological and feminist critiques of militarised 'cultures' and 'discourses' of violence seen to be as much a part of the UN's SOP as of the conflicts it is intended to address (Nordstrom, 1994; Jabri, 1996).

xc


. Kumar lists five tasks in Political Rehabilitation in peacebuilding: (1) improving the institutional capacity for governance; (2) providing support for elections; (3) human rights monitoring and promotion; (4) disarmament and demobilisation; (5) reforming the security sector (1997, 4-14).

xci


. Ball lists ten ways in which donors can help to meet post-war social and economic needs: (1) assessing damage; planning reconstruction; (2) rehabilitating basic infrastructure; (3) resettling displaced groups; (4) revitalising communities; (5) reactivating the smallholder agricultural sector; (6) rehabilitating export agriculture, key industries and housing; (7) generating employment; (8) settling disputes over land and other assets; (9) demining; and (10) implementing environmental awareness and protection programmes (1996, 616).

xcii


. Maynard gives five phases in Psychosocial Recovery: (1) establishing safety; (2) communalisation and bereavement; (3) rebuilding trust and the capacity to trust; (4) re-establishing personal and social morality; (5) reintegrating and restoring democratic discourse (1997, 210).

xciii


We cannot enter here into the elaborate discussion on the nature of various conceptions of democracy (see Held, 1989).

xciv


. Paris, 'Peacebuilding and the limits of liberal internationalism', pp.82-3.

xcv '[T]he data supports the argument that separation of groups is the key to ending ethnic civil wars ... . There is not a single case where non-ethnic civil politics were created or restored by reconstruction of ethnic identities, power-sharing coalitions, or state-building' (1996, 161). In other words, Kaufmann rejects the 'contact hypothesis' that the more the contact between potential or erstwhile enemies the more the likelihood of accommodation (Hewstone and Brown, 19 ).

xcvi


. Conflict managers have: an inclusive approach; a goal of reconciliation; a pragmatic focus; an emphasis on process; a recognition of particular norms and cultures of the societies in conflict; an assumption of moral equivalence; the idea that conflict resolution is negotiable; and that outside actors should be politically neutral. Democratizers have: an exclusive approach; a goal of justice; a principled focus; an emphasis on outcomes; an insistence on universal norms endorsed by the international community; an insistence on moral accountability; the conviction that justice is not negotiable; and that outside actors cannot be morally neutral (Baker, 1996, 567).

xcvii


. On the debate about war crimes tribunals compare Mak (1995) and Meron (1993). On justice see the three volume Kritz (ed.) (1995), although none of our six cases are included in the case studies of 'transitional justice' in volume 2.

xcviii We may contrast deontological views of justice, in which past crimes must be punished, with other conceptions and approaches, although the subject is too complex to be entered into properly here.





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