A comparison of american slaves and english agricultural workers, 1750-1875




НазваниеA comparison of american slaves and english agricultural workers, 1750-1875
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Village Labourer, pp. 226-27; Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 69; Newby, "The Deferential Dialectic," 161-63.

3 553From 1770 to 1851, Nonconformity rose from having just a half million out of seven million in England, to slightly over half of the church-going population in 1851, with over half the population not attending church at all. Clark, English Society, p. 89.

4 554James Obelkevitch, Religion and Rural Society: South Lindsey 1825-1875, as quoted in Clark, English Society, p. 68.

5 555Snell, Annals, p. 136. Confirming Snell's viewpoint, although in an urban, artisanal context, was the leading grievance of Chartist orators--the New Poor Law. Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 390; also see Thomson, England in the Nineteenth Century, p. 71.

6 556Somerville, Whistler, pp. 42, 101-2, 140, 153.

7 557Newby notes that the outward signs of deference, such as bowing, saluting, etc., are not without meaning, because they allow the superordinate to maintain his social distance (avoid "fraternizing" and excessive identification with by the subordinate) while routinely engaging in the close-knit face-to-face interaction by which traditional authority is exercised. Since hegemony is fundamentally based upon the thinking of the subordinate class in question, using a strictly behavioral definition of deference has little bearing on the question of the elite's success in getting the subordinate class to believe in its ideology. As a result, a mask can conceal a considerable amount of class consciousness. Newby, "Deferential Dialectic," 142-43, 158-60.

8 558Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 385.

9 559Clark insists that the essence of patriarchalism--his preferred term for the same concept--is hierarchy and divinely appointed, inherent authority based on the model of the family being applied analogously to the state. It is not "fatherly care as a gloss on collectivism, or the degree of kindliness we might fancy we can measure in social relations." But for this doctrine to have legitimacy to the lower class, it must involve more than mere obedience and subjection to the upper class. Paternalism is not just mere "dictatorship" or "tyranny," but involves a system of unequal rights and duties in which the upper class is favored because supposedly it looks out for the interests of all of society, including the lower class, not just its own. While Clark rightly points out, in a reply to E.P. Thompson, that "a model which relies on 'emotional cosiness' or justice-as-fairness is likely to be applicable to no period," historians (if the documentation is available) can still crudely gauge how much of a reality this aspect of the paternalistic model has. The New Poor Law of 1834, combined with such generally earlier moves as enclosure, the decline of service, and the tightening of the screws on relief under the Old Poor Law, were decisive signs that the upper class was rewriting the social contract, and turning away from paternalism in practice. The growing acceptance in the early nineteenth century of Malthusianism and Classical economics among the rural elite--something which Clark would contest--may not have reduced the hypocrisy level greatly, depending on how often paternalistic rhetoric was resorted to simultaneously, or by the same individuals. See Clark, English Society, pp. 74-75.

0 560Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 113, 137.

1 561On the rising of the laborers' political consciousness and the farmworkers' unions, note the incidental discussion by G.E. Mingay in Hartwell, The Long Debate on Poverty, pp. 43, 45.

2 562Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, p. 75; Committee on the New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 16; second report, p. 23.

3 563Of course, those laborers who lived in close parishes with tied cottages, i.e., farmer- or landlord-provided ("company") housing generally had better housing, but were subject to significantly more control. If they were fired, they lost their jobs and homes just as instantly. "Mr. Trethewy, agent to Lady Cowper [in Bedfordshire, where the farmers had full control over the cottages and who lived in them on her estates said] . . . he has never known any evil result to the labourer from his being brought more under the control of the farmer." Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 21.

4 564Admittedly, the poor rates had fallen nearly one-third from the 1815-20 period to 1830-35, bearing witness to the rural elite's success in tightening the screws in the last years of the Old Poor Law. Mulhall estimated the pence paid per inhabitant in England under it fell from 152 to 114 during this time, and as a percent of the national income, 3.25 to 1.75. Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 51. The fall in productivity combined with the fears induced by the Swing Riots may have been as important reasons for the passage of the New Poor Law as high poor rates.

5 565

Cited by Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, Industrial Capitalism," 84.

6 566Davis, Plantation Life, p. 235.

7 567Arguably, a third exists, Elkins' "Sambo" hypothesis, but it differs considerably from these two. His analysis uses social psychology and maintains the pressures of slavery bent the personality of the slaves, not so much their ideology, as is discussed in the next section (pp. 333-336).

8 568For some of Scott's relevant points on this matter, see Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, pp. 190, 193-94.

9 569Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 598; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 2:210, 225.

0 570"The slaves' response to paternalism and their imaginative creation of a partially autonomous religion provided a record of simultaneous accommodation and resistance to slavery." Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 597, 598.

1 571Anderson, "Aunt Jemima in Dialectics," 113.

2 572Jones, Religious Instruction, pp. 130-131, as cited in Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 316; Chesnut, Diary from Dixie, pp. 269, 292-93. See also p. 433. Incidently, and ironically, this officer's servant likely constitutes a striking case of successful hegemonic indoctrination.

3 573Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 510-11; Scott, Domination, p. 24.

4 574Brent, Incidents, pp. 162, 173; Drew, Refugee, pp. 86, 134.

5 575Drew, Refugee, p. 90; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 66, 132-33; Brent, Incidents, p. 159; Kemble, Journal, p. 134.

6 576Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 200, 363, 433-34; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 164-65, 190; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:340; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 90-91

7 577Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 3; Kemble, Journal, p. 49; see also pp. 120, 263 and Olmsted,
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