Implementing a Distinctive Approach to Security

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of domestic governance or of international behaviour [author’s emphasis]’, which clearly covers threats to both the international community, including proliferation and support of terrorism, and their own population, but the latter phrase was deleted in the final version.

66 Gareth Evans, ‘Waging War and Making Peace’. 2003 Annual Hawke Lecture, University of South Australia, 18 September 2003.

67 The Panel counts sixteen members and is chaired by Anand Panyarachun, former Prime Minister of Thailand. UN, ‘Secretary-General names High-Level Panel to Study Global Security Threats, and Recommend Necessary Changes’. Press Release SG/A/857, 4 November 2003,

68 The agreement reached further provides for an EU cell within SHAPE to run EU operations with the use of NATO assets. ‘EU Establishes Autonomous but Non-Permanent Military Headquarters’. EIS European Report, 13 December 2003.

69 Originally proposed in Maastricht as far back as 1991 and taken up by the Convention in 2003, the establishment of ‘an intergovernmental agency in the field of defence capabilities development, research, acquisition and armaments’ was decided upon by the June 2003 European Council, to become operational in 2004.

70 On the notion of task specialisation, see: Alain De Neve, ‘La Spécialisation des Tâches : Une Révolution pour l’Europe? Approches théoriques’. Institut royal supérieur de défense, Sécurité et Stratégie No. 79, 2003. Adviesraad Internationale Vraagstukken, ‘Militaire Samenwerking in Europa. Mogelijkheden en Beperkingen’. Advies No. 31, 2003.

71 In order to be maximally effective, this service should include all relevant Commission DGs, i.e. external trade, development, aid etc.

72 See Articles 27 and III-197. The Union Minister could, in an ideal scenario, also represent the EU in the Security Council; at the very least he ought to be involved by the Member States holding a seat.

73 In the first draft, Russia was set on an equal par with Japan, China, Canada and India; in the final version a separate paragraph has been devoted to it.

74 The US would thus also have to agree a ‘Washington Plus’ arrangement with the Alliance.

75 Andrew Moravcsik, ‘Striking a New Transatlantic Bargain’. In: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 82, 2003, No. 4, pp. 74-89.

76 Felix Berenskoetter, ‘Mapping the Mond Gap: A Comparison of US and EU Security Strategies’. FORNET Working Paper No. 3, January 2004,

77 WEU Assembly, ‘A European Strategic Concept – Defence Aspects’. Document A/1841, Report submitted on behalf of the Defence Committee by Mr. Gubert, Rapporteur, 1 December 2003.

78 François Heisbourg (ed.), ‘European Security Strategy: Is it for real?’. European Security Forum (ESF), Working Paper No. 14, October 2003, 23 pp.

79 Emil Kirchner & James Sperling, ‘The New Security Threats in Europe: Theory and Evidence’. In: European Foreign Affairs Review, Vol. 7, 2002, No. 4, pp. 423-452.

80 See e.g. Oxfam, ‘Letter to European Union Foreign Ministers regarding EU Security Strategy’. 26 November 2003.

81 ‘An ounce of conflict prevention is worth a pound of humanitarian intervention’, as Paul Heinbecker puts it (‘Human Security: The Hard Edge’. In: Canadian Military Journal, Vol. 1, 2000, No. 1, pp. 11-16).

82 Or, as the Commission suggests in its Communication on Conflict Prevention (p. 5): ‘Given the importance of the EU on the international scene, its interests and ambitions and the considerable resources it has committed to assistance and cooperation, there is no doubt that the EU should play its part in these efforts’.

83 Vincent Desportes, ‘Pour la pensée stratégique’. In: Défense nationale, Vol. 55, 1999, No. 8-9, pp. 109-121.

84 Barry Buzan, op. cit.

85 See e.g. Alfred Van Staden, Kees Homan, Bert Kreemers, Alfred Pijpers & Rob de Wijk, ‘Towards a European Strategic Concept’. The Hague, Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, 2000, 43 pp.

86 Karen E. Smith, ‘The End of Civilian Power EU: A Welcome Demise or a Cause for Concern?’ In: The International Spectator, Vol. 35, 2000, No. 2, pp. 11-28.

87 Hans Maull, ‘Germany and Japan: The New Civilian Powers’. In: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 69, 1990, No. 5, pp.92-93.

88 Stelios Stavridis, ‘“Militarising” the EU: The Concept of Civilian Power Revisited’. In: The International Spectator, Vol. 41, 2001, No. 4, pp. 43-50.

89 Stephan Keukeleire, ‘Reconceptualising (European) Foreign Policy: Structural Foreign Policy’. Paper presented at the ECPR First Pan-European Conference on European Union Politics, Bordeaux, 26-28 September 2002.

90 Henrik Larsen, ‘The EU: a Global Military Actor?’. In: Cooperation and Conflict, Vol. 37, 2002, No. 3, pp. 283-302.

91 Nicole Gnesotto, ‘European Strategy as a Model’. In: EU Institute for Security Studies, Newsletter No. 9, January 2004, pp. 1 & 4.

92 This division within the literature on ‘civilian power’ is already apparent in the earliest authors’ writings. Whereas the ‘founder’, Duchêne, used the term ‘civilian power’ to refer to the EEC, which did not possess a military capacity at all, Maull applied the concept to Germany and Japan, which do have armed forces. (François Duchêne, ‘Europe’s Role in World Peace’. In: Richard Mayne, ‘Europe Tomorrow’. London, Fontana, 1972).

93 Robert Cooper, ‘The Postmodern State and the World Order’. London, Demos, 2000.

94 Christoph Bertram, ‘Europe’s Best Interest: Staying Close to Number One’. In: Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft, 2003, No. 1, pp. 61-70.

95 Groupe d’officiers du CHEM, ‘Un Concept de sécurité et de défense, pour la France, pour l’Europe?’. In: Défense nationale, vol. 59, 2003, No. 8-9, pp. 113-124.

96 The key elements of comprehensive security are – sometimes in different forms – also included in Ehrhart’s ‘cooperative security provider model’, but the integrating element is a vital distinction. (Hans-Georg Ehrhart, ‘What Model for CFSP?’ EU Institute for Security Studies, Chaillot Paper No. 55, 2002).

97 ‘Council Common Position 2004/85/CFSP of 26 January 2004 Concerning Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution in Africa and Repealing Common Position 2001/374/CFSP’. In: Official Journal, 2004, L021, pp.25-29.

98 COM (2003) 526 final, ‘The European Union and the United Nations: The Choice of mutilateralism’. 10 September 2003.

99 Gerrard Quille, ‘Turning the Rhetoric of European Defence Cooperation into Reality’. In: New Defence Agenda (ed.), ‘Fresh Perspectives on European Security’. Brussels, NDA, 2004, pp. 27-31.

100 Interestingly, the Council can act by qualified majority when taking decisions on the basis of a Common Strategy (TEU, Art. 23 §2).

101 This has often been the case in the US, where a regular review of the strategy is obligatory. Usually these reviews did not attract much attention; only the latest National Security Strategy, released in a period of increasing tension over Iraq and emphasising – pre-emptive – military action, gave rise to a major debate.

102 Sten Rynning, ‘The European Union: Towards a Strategic Culture ?’. In: Security Dialogue, Vol. 34, 2003, No. 4, pp. 479-496.

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